By Maurice Cowling
The passage of the Reform invoice of 1867 is without doubt one of the significant difficulties in nineteenth-century British background. Mr Cowling presents a full-scale clarification, in response to quite a lot of archive fabric, together with 4 significant manuscript collections now not formerly used. Mr Cowling can pay equivalent consciousness to the view taken by means of Parliament of the category constitution and to the pursuits and methods of politicians in Parliament and out of doors. He units this unique old narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at size.
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Additional info for 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill
In this, perhaps, they were deceiving themselves. Once they began to think in class terms, they were, almost necessarily, rationalizing their positions. Once one asks why they wanted to maintain existing arrangements, one sees material reasons more extensive 40 PRELUDE than avoidance of class conflict. Nevertheless, the historian must take account of the language in which they talked, the fears they felt and the ideas they expressed, and must not too readily explain away the fact that, even if the existing situation worked to their advantage, neither they nor Bright nor anyone else had conceived of the working of any other.
But a professor at University College, London. He spoke at Reform League meetings, but, so far from being one of its leaders, failed when he stood for election to the League Executive. Beesly provided a comprehensive rhetoric with which to approach the future but his ejaculations were premature and his day-to-day judgements defective. In 1861 he had seen in the builders' strike of 1859 an event which' seem[ed] to have a chance of standing in the same relation to the coming industrial regime, as the meeting of the StatesGeneral in*'eighty-nine".
2 A movement of this kind would not only destroy the whig hold over working-class feeling but would produce a reactionary flight from the Liberal party on the part of iemployers of labour... [who] kn[e]w what monstrous tyranny [was] exercised by the trades unions and how wholly powerless the workman would be to resist the leaders of 27 DISRAELI, GLADSTONE AND REVOLUTION these combinations if they chose to make use of their power.. 1 The Palmerstonian alliance had been based on the belief that a Whig/Radical combination would carry active working-class feeling with it without abandoning anything essential in the process.
1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill by Maurice Cowling