By Michael George Hanchard
From fresh facts on disparities among Brazilian whites and non-whites in parts of well-being, schooling, and welfare, it truly is transparent that massive racial inequalities do exist in Brazil, opposite to previous assertions in race family members scholarship that the rustic is a "racial democracy." right here Michael George Hanchard explores the results of this more and more glaring racial inequality, highlighting Afro-Brazilian makes an attempt at mobilizing for civil rights and the strong efforts of white elites to neutralize such makes an attempt. inside of a neo-Gramscian framework, Hanchard exhibits how racial hegemony in Brazil has hampered ethnic and racial id between non-whites through concurrently selling racial discrimination and fake premises of racial equality.
Drawing from own files of and interviews with individuals within the Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, Hanchard offers a wealth of empirical facts approximately Afro-Brazilian militants, evaluating their effectiveness with their opposite numbers in sub-Saharan Africa, the USA, and the Caribbean within the post-World conflict II interval. He analyzes, in complete element, the extraordinary problems skilled by way of Afro-Brazilian activists in choosing and redressing racially particular styles of violation and discrimination. Hanchard argues that the Afro-American fight to subvert dominant cultural types and practices contains the risk of being subsumed through the contradictions that those dominant kinds produce.
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Extra info for Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil 1945-1988
Population that do not ﬁt into white or black categories, which has made the biracial deﬁnition of racial classiﬁcation there less valid (Skidmore 1992). As Mintz (1964) notes, laws designed to prohibit certain activities within African-American populations and between African- BRAZILIAN RACIAL POLITICS 39 American and white populations in the New World also conﬁrm that these activities had already been in practice. Miscegenation is such an activity and has occurred in every society where whites and blacks have resided together.
A mixture of “domination” and “leadership,” that is, the intermittent use of coercion and persuasion by Brazilian whites in their relations with nonwhites has made their hegemony possible, to the extent that while state-generated violence against Afro-Brazilians does occur, systematic coercive practices are unnecessary. This, I would argue, is the best employment of the concept of hegemony, connoting the push and pull of group interaction, not a mere imposition of one group’s ideals, beliefs and values upon another.
Hasenbalg’s notion of smooth maintenance obscures what has, in fact, been smoothed over—the attempts by AfroBrazilian activists to politicize discussions of racial inequality in Brazil. However limited, the attempts by Afro-Brazilians to disrupt the “smooth maintenance” of racial inequality would have to be accounted for if observers of Brazilian racial politics are to have any indication of the extent to which white elites within the state apparatus and in civil society repress Afro-Brazilian dissent.
Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil 1945-1988 by Michael George Hanchard